The Ruler of Hindu Hearts?
Amit Dave/ReutersNEW DELHI â" As India heads into an election year, the Congress Party-led government is on its last legs. After two terms in power, it is enmeshed in corruption scandals and an unshakeable perception of poor governance. Meanwhile, the Bharatiya Janata Party, Indiaâs main opposition party, which should be taking advantage of the governmentâs dire condition, is faltering.
Following successive election defeats, and a political environment primed for a change, the B.J.P. faces a choice: move toward the political center or cling to ideological purity and lurch rightward in an attempt at a divide and conquer strategy. All signs point to a rightward shift.
The B.J.P.âs embrace of the far right is embodied by the rise of Gujarat stateâs chief minister, Narendra Modi, a controversial figure who represents an uncompromising strand of his partyâs Hindu-nationalist ideology. Should the B.J.P. choose Modi as its standard-bearer for the general election â" a real possibility given his increasing popularity â" Modiâs polarizing style would likely scare away prospective coalition partners and lead to an unstable government dominated by small, regional parties.
Most troubling, Modiâs Hindu-nationalism is likely to lead to a deepening of sectarian divisions, India being home to the worldâs second-largest Muslim population. His questionable conduct during the 2002 riots in Gujarat that left more than 1,000 people dead, mostly Muslims, has shadowed his ascent to the national stage. He is accused at the very least of doing nothing while Gujarat burned, and at worst of having helped to orchestrate the violence.
In a recent interview with Reuters, Modi did not help his cause when asked about the riots. He answered by saying his feelings of pain for the tragedy were similar to how heâd feel if a puppy had been run over by a car in which he was merely a passenger.
As a consequence of the riots, Modi suffers the indignity of a U.S. visa ban, in effect since 2005, and he remains a target of human rights groups the world over. He also faces the specter of investigations into the extrajudicial killings of suspected terrorists by the police in Gujarat, which could implicate his closest aides, and perhaps even Modi himself, in the coming weeks.
For all his talents he has few allies outside his party, a handicap in an era of coalition governments. The B.J.P. should now be welcoming more partners into its fold. Instead, in June it lost its largest ally, Janata Dal (United), in the large swing state of Bihar, a breakup catalyzed by Modiâs ascension.
Still, most B.J.P. members â" and increasing numbers of voters â" seem convinced that Modi, with his larger-than-life persona and unquestioned religious pedigree, is their long awaited Hindu Hriday Samrat â" the ruler of Hindu hearts.
The son of a tea-stall owner, Modi, 62, has spent most of his life in politics, joining the right-wing Hindu-nationalist Sangh Parivar organization early on and rising through its ranks by displaying impressive organizing abilities. He moved to the B.J.P. in 1987 and was appointed chief minister of Gujarat as a midterm replacement in 2001 without ever having fought an election.
In the decade since, Modi has won three straight state elections and engineered remarkable economic growth for his province â" some even go as far as describing it as the Guangdong of India. His focus on pro-investment policies, cutting red tape, extensive infrastructure development, while using his personal charm to woo foreign and domestic investment, has been a marked contrast to most other state governments.
When Tata Motors fell out with the West Bengal government in 2008 over plans to set up a production plant for its âPeopleâs Car,â the Nano, Modi wasted no time in text messaging Ratan Tata welcoming him to Gujarat with open arms. Soon enough, the first Nano was rolled out in his state. Other corporations say theyâve found Gujarat an oasis for investment.
A version of this op-ed appears in print on August 26, 2013, in The International Herald Tribune.
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